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Inca cuisine originated in pre-Columbian times within the Inca civilization from the 13th to the 16th century. The Inca civilization stretched across many regions on the western coast of South America (specifically Peru), and so there was a great diversity of unique plants and animals used for food. The most important plant staples involved various tubers, roots, and grains; and the most common sources of meat were , , fish, and other aquatic and terrestrial organisms (305-307). (2026). 9780190219352, Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190219352 Cuisine was heavily influenced by the Inca's food storage system, social gatherings and celebrations, and social status (308-315).
Among the food products made from the Peruvian camelids was sharqui, strips of freeze-dried meat, the origin of modern-day jerky. Another meat for royalty was that of the lizards known as Dicrodon holmbergi. It would be trapped as it attempted to consume the pods of Prosopis juliflora. After being trapped, it would be paralyzed and cooked until it was easily skinned. Afterwards, it was cooked for another ten minutes in heated sand and ashes then gutted, thus making it to be consumed immediately or preserved for up to a year.Coe pp. 213
The meat of the common folk was the cuy, guinea pig. They were domesticated by 2000 BC and were easy to keep and multiplied rapidly. Guinea pigs were often cooked by stuffing them with hot stones. The entrails would often be used as an ingredient in soups along with potatoes, or made into a sauce. They could also be used for divination, which later brought them into disfavor by the Catholic Church.Coe p. 171-175
The Incas hunted game including the wild vicuña and guanaco, whitetail deer, huemul deer and viscacha, a kind of chinchilla which was hunted with . Hunting rights were controlled by the state and any meat would go into the state warehouses for storage. In massive royal hunts, hunting teams would force huge herds into enclosures, and there are reports of several thousand animals being caught in a single great hunt, including puma, bear, fox and deer.Coe p. 176-7
One mainstay of the Inca army and the general population was dried fish. Skates, Batoidea, small sharks of the genus Mustelus, mullets and bonito were among the fish caught off the Peruvian coast. Other sea creatures like , , and were eaten, as were various and , , mussels, chanque (an abalone-like animal).
Like other American peoples, the Inca ate animals that were often considered vermin by many Europeans, such as frogs, , beetles, and . Mayfly larvae were eaten raw or toasted and ground to make loaves that could then be stored.Coe p. 177-8
The Inca's intricate food preservation methods and storage system allowed for there to be enough food in times of need (when crops failed, during times of war) or in times of success (when celebrating and rewarding everyone's hard work).Eeckhout, Peter (2012) "Inca Storage and Accounting Facilities at Pachacamac," Andean Past: Vol. 10, Article 12. Pages 213-239. Available at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past/vol10/iss1/12
Olla were used for cooking, boiling, and stewing, and were essential to Inca cuisine preparation. Ollas were used frequently, since boiling was one of the most repeated food preparation techniques. The vessel is characterized by its wide mouth, with a variety of bases, including the conical-based, round-bottomed, and pedestal-based forms. The Moche culture, a civilization inhabiting the region before the Inca, elevated olla production by implementing the paddle-and-anvil technique. This technique involved a stone being held on the inside of the vessel, while a wooden paddle was used to form the outside's shape. The practice of the paddle-and-anvil technique added an artistic aspect to the creation of ollas, as the technique provided plenty of flexibility and variation for designing unique vessels. This practice continued into the Inca time period.
Other ceramic vessels could be associated with chicha production, which involves its own intricate system of preparation. El Shincal, located in the Argentinian province of Catamarcas, is a chicha production site observed in archaeological studies. Archaeologists have interpreted the purpose of the site as a location that solely caters to feasts and ceremonial events, rather than as a place of permanent settlement.
This site includes an abundance of , which were used for grinding and crushing of organic materials. Apart from maize, there is evidence of using the mortars for trees, beans, fruits, and animal bones. In regards to chicha, archaeologists believe the workforce at the mortars was predominantly female, considering chicha production is associated with feminine roles. The wide variety of materials used, and the large number of present mortars, demonstrates the location’s important role as a place of mass production. Chicha production sites, like El Shincal, demonstrate the complex production dedicated to preparing for successful and extravagant ceremonial celebrations that revolve around chicha consumption.
Additional preparation methods, such as mixing, soaking, or drying, vary plenty depending on the food, and often use a wide variety of vessels to cater to the specific method. Preparation methods will continue to evolve with time as new ways are discovered and adapted with changing availability to resources. Adaptation and flexibility are essential to prioritizing how culinary practices are carried out to best represent the cultural values held by a community.
Present at archaeological excavations of Machu Picchu are the ceramic vessels known as cazuelas, prominent among others found at the site. Archaeologists interpreted that the vessel was used for serving, rather than preparation, due to its morphology. With its openness, the vessel is easily accessible for consumption purposes, and lacks aspects that support pouring or closing. Cazuelas could have been used for consumption of soups, stews, porridges, or even chicha. Its characteristic polychrome designs further support idea of the vessel being used for serving and consumption purposes.
With the cultural significance held by chicha, it had an array of purposes when it came to consumption. Being used in ceremonial and ritual events, chicha was used to influence social relations and classes. C hicha was used as a way to mitigate relationships between authoritative figures and workers, especially in the workplace itself. Toasting of chichawas often associated with connection to honoring ancestors. Consumption could either be done at large-scale gatherings, or in private settings, which were more restricted to elite members of the community.
Specifically, through use of isotope analysis, archaeologists have discovered a relationship between maize consumption and status of combatants who lived in Majes Valley, a pre-hispanic region located in the Andes. In remains of combatants found in the region, archaeologists used tooth enamel to assess the presence of a high maize-consuming diet. Conclusively, archaeologists interpreted the levels of maize consumption in the combatants demonstrated a method of preparation for battle. Maize, or chicha, could have been used as a way to fortify the identities of the combatants, ensuring the elite status that came with the role they were carrying out. Maize consumption could be used in other contexts to shape social or political environments by promoting elite identities within.
Archaeologists have excavated ceramic vessels that provide evidence for different types of storage and preservation methods. Aríbalos, vessels with high flaring necks and cone-shaped bases, are interpreted to have been used as a way of storing chicha. Additionally, ceramic vessels could have been used for storage of foods in water or for long-term preparation methods.
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